Especially broad use of this thesis is being made in France. Meriting attention in this connection is a conversation between our ambassador in Paris, comrade Vinogradov, and the Gaullist leader [Gaston] Palewski, who said the Soviet proposal is unacceptable in its present form because it excludes the USA from participation in the collective security system in Europe.
According to Palewski attitudes to the Soviet proposal would change if the Soviet government declared the USA could take part in the system of collective security in Europe in its capacity as an occupying power in Germany, bearing in mind that the occupation of Germany would not last forever. From this statement of Palewski's it follows that the USA's participation in the General European Agreement on a system of collective security would be of a temporary character and limited to the period until the conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany.
Taking this into account, the Foreign Ministry considers it advisable to limit the possibilities of using this argument against the Soviet draft by sending the governments of the USA, England and France a note which states that on its part the Soviet government sees no obstacle to the positive resolution of the question of the USA's participation in the General European Agreement on Collective Security in Europe.
In the Foreign Ministry's view it would be inadvisable to declare that the participation of the USA would be of a temporary character. In this regard the Foreign Ministry proceeds from that fact that from the point of view of the interests of the struggle against the European Defense Community it would be inexpedient to indicate the temporary character of the USA's participation in the General European Agreement.
It is necessary to consider another argument deployed against the Soviet proposal, namely that it is directed against the North Atlantic Pact and its liquidation. In order to limit the use of this argument against the Soviet proposal the Foreign Ministry considers it advisable that simultaneously with our proposal about the participation of the USA in the General European Agreement we should, in the same note, pose, in an appropriate form, the question of the possibility of the Soviet Union joining the North Atlantic Pact.
Raising this question would make things difficult for the organizers of the North Atlantic bloc and would emphasize its supposedly defensive character, so that it would not be directed against the USSR and the people's democracies.
Most likely, the organizers of the North Atlantic bloc will react negatively to this step of the Soviet government and will advance many different objections. In that event the governments of the three powers will have exposed themselves, once again, as the organizers of a military bloc against other states and it would strengthen the position of social forces conducting a struggle against the formation of the European Defense Community.
Such a negative attitude toward the initiative of the Soviet government could, of course, have its negative side for us in so far as it affected the prestige of the Soviet Union. Taking this into account, the Foreign Ministry proposes that the Soviet note should not state directly the readiness of the USSR to join the North Atlantic bloc but limit itself to a declaration of its readiness to examine jointly with other interested parties the question of the participation of the USSR in the North Atlantic bloc.
Of course, if the statement of the Soviet government meets with a positive attitude on the part of the three western powers this would signify a great success for the Soviet Union since the USSR joining the North Atlantic Pact under certain conditions would radically change the character of the pact.
Bearing in mind that the North Atlantic Pact is directed against the democratic movement in the capitalist countries, if the question of the USSR joining it became a practical proposition, it would be necessary to raise the issue of all participants in the agreement undertaking a commitment in the form of a joint declaration, for example on the inadmissibility of interference in the internal affairs of states and respect for the principles of state independence and sovereignty.
In addition the Soviet Union would, in an appropriate form, have to raise the question of American military bases in Europe and the necessity for states to agree to the reduction of military forces, in accordance with the position that would be created after the USSR's entry into the North Atlantic Pact. The Cold War International History Project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War.
Through an award winning Digital Archive, the Project allows scholars, journalists, students, and the interested public to reassess the Cold War and its many contemporary legacies. This statement is positive as such," Zahorodniuk is convinced. He stressed that joining NATO is a matter of consensus of all 30 Allies who must show solidarity when voting, so compliance with the NATO standards gives no absolute guarantee of Ukraine's accession.
Is this a guarantee that we will meet the criteria tomorrow and get there? Of course, not. In particular, such complex powers as France, Germany, and some others that still need to be persuaded," the expert said. Therefore, they will promise it only when they see that a consensus is reached in the Alliance.
Spain provides a number of high-quality military capabilities, and is one of the allies with the largest presence in international missions. From the point of view of foreign policy, Spain works in the Atlantic Council to ensure that its interests are taken into account, especially regarding the Southern Flank. As highlighted by the EU Treaty of Lisbon, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, for those States which are members of it, remains the foundation of their collective defence and the forum for its implementation.
The 21st century alliance, as stated through successive Summits, is still one of the pillars of Spain's and Europe's security structure. Spain welcomes the dialogue and practical cooperation that have taken place in the past between NATO and the EU, and the Spanish Government encourages maintenance of the efforts in that sense, and highlights above all that the more we can reinforce the Union's security and defence scope, the better we will be reinforcing NATO and its European pillar.
The Atlantic Alliance has undergone an evolution and transformation process during the 21st century. All this transformation process of the Alliance has had a major impact in the scope of the capabilities of the Organisation, a sector in which Spain has played a relevant role.
On the other hand, with regard the capacities, a renewed Alliance is aimed to be achieved with forces capable of taking on and dealing with missions entrusted to NATO in a context of global economic recession. Multinational cooperation in long-term strategic projects continues to advance.
Without prejudice to its fundamental role in the defence of Europe and in the stability of the Balkans, NATO also works outside of the European-Atlantic area in Afghanistan Resolute Support Operation and Spain contributes to said work.
A In addition to the scope of the Alliance, new risks and threats make it increasingly more necessary to work together.
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