For Americans, racial profiling in law enforcement is viewed as racial discrimination against black, Muslim, Latino or Asian groups. This is an obviously poor tactic in law enforcement and is not effective, fair, or reasonable. Officers should not use race or ethnicity when they decide to initiate a non-consensual encounter or requesting consent to search an individual.
Race should never the sole basis for probable cause or reasonable suspicion of an officer. Opponents of race-based profiling pushed for the End Racial Profiling Act of to be passed. When it was introduced into Congress, it had gained support. However, this support came before the terror attacks on September 11, After the attacks, the legislation fell to the wayside. The Act was then reintroduced in , but it was unable to get support.
Racial profiling is an affront to the core values and principles in the Constitution because it violates equality and fairness. Proponents of race-based profiling argue that this tactic is necessary for public safety. However, those proponents are misinformed, as racial profiling is an ineffective and inefficient strategy. Police officers are beginning to recognize that fact and reject its practice.
The absence of facts, suspicious activity, or specific criminal information is what separate bias-based policing from legitimate criminal profiling. As part of building good relationships with the public, officers routinely engage in conversations with residents. In these kinds of situations, you are always free to decline or end any conversation with an officer and walk away. If you think your encounter with a deputy was bias based, remain calm and ask the deputy the reason for the encounter.
Please feel free to make a complaint if you feel you are a victim of bias based profiling with our command staff via email or call us at Milton Mulholland and Michael Albert had their charges dismissed after two mistrials. All four were members of the New York City Police Department's Street Crimes Unit, which, under the slogan, "We Own the Night," used aggressive "stop and frisk" tactics against African Americans at a rate double that group's population percentage.
A report on the unit by the state attorney general found that blacks were stopped at a rate 10 times that of whites, and that 35 percent of those stops lacked reasonable suspicion to detain or had reports insufficiently filled out to make a determination.
Thousands attended Diallo's funeral. Demonstrations were held almost daily, along with the arrests of over 1, people in planned civil disobedience. In a trial that was moved out of the community where Diallo lived and to Albany in upstate New York, the four officers who killed Diallo were acquitted of all charges.
Thomas had 14 outstanding misdemeanor warrants, mostly traffic violations, including failure to wear a seat belt. According to a city councilman, he was running away, holding up his baggy pants, and scaled a fence, landing in a driveway where Roach was approaching and shot Thomas.
He became the fifth black male in the city to die at the hands of police in a five-month period and the fifteenth since Two nights of protests left broken windows at City Hall and fires around the city. Witnesses reported that following Thomas' funeral, six city SWAT team officers shot pellet-filled bags into a peaceful crowd. Two people hit by the pellets filed lawsuits. Under community and city council pressure, both the public safety director and city manager resigned.
Officer Roach was indicted on charges of negligent homicide, and obstructing official business, resulting from differences in his version of events.
A community coalition, the Cincinnati Black United Front and the ACLU of Ohio filed suit against the city and the Fraternal Order of Police, citing a pattern and practice of discrimination by police, including issuing the type of traffic citations Thomas received to African Americans at twice their population percentage. In April the case was settled, under terms including the establishment of a civilian complaint review board and the activation of the reporting of collected traffic stop data that had been enacted by city ordinance in The Department of Justice also intervened and settled with the city, including revision and review of use of force policy.
It is significant to note that research confirms the existence of bias in decisions to shoot. The stories above and hundreds of others present a compelling argument that not only does racial profiling exists, but it is widespread, and has had a destructive effect on the lives of communities of color, and attitudes toward police.
Asians, who, according to the U. Wen Ho Lee, a Taiwanese American was targeted and suspected of espionage on the basis of his race. Memos by high-ranking FBI and Department of Energy officials acknowledged that Lee was singled out because he was Chinese, and eight similarly situated non-Chinese were not prosecuted.
In Seattle, Washington in July a group of 14 Asian American youth were stopped by police for jaywalking, claiming that they were kept against the wall for about an hour. The Seattle Times reported that one officer told them he had visited their country while in the army, and asked them repeatedly whether they spoke English. The paper also reported that U.
In , the Asian Freedom Project of Wisconsin issued a report that found the racial profiling of Hmong communities there, and included the testimony of adults, as well as boys and girls.
Indians complain about stops and searches by local police and sheriffs on roads leading to and from reservations. In South Dakota , widespread reports of racial profiling led to hearings before the state legislature, where Indians testified about their being stopped and searched not only based on race but also on religious articles hanging from rearview mirrors, and regional license plates that identified them as living on reservations. Racial profiling has consistently been one of the most confounding, divisive and controversial issues the police department confronts.
A perception that police target members of specific ethnic or racial groups creates a deep divide between the police and the communities we serve. True racial profiling, in which people are targeted solely because of race or ethnicity, is both illegal and immoral.
It destroys public trust and reduces the effectiveness of the police. There is no place for it in law enforcement. Consider the gang officers in Foothill Division, where I work.
Each day, they go out in the field looking for Latino males of a certain age who dress in a particular way, have certain tattoos on their bodies and live in an area where street gangs flourish. Does that mean they are engaging in racial profiling? They are using crime data to identify possible suspects.
Ethnicity is just one of many criteria they consider. We have to acknowledge that there is a place for race and ethnicity in police work. If officers get information that a 6-foot-tall Asian man with a Fu Manchu mustache committed a robbery, they are of course going to target their search to tall Asian men with Fu Manchu mustaches.
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